Tuesday, May 14, 2013

The Mystique of the Hawaii Democratic Revolution of 1954


[Image: Kekaha_sugar_mill.jpg]

The Mystique of the Hawaii Democratic Revolution of 1954

By John Hall
The Daily Magi
October 19, 2043


The Hawaii Democratic Revolution of 1954 was a nonviolent revolution that took place in the Hawaiian Archipelago consisting of general strikes, protests, and other acts of civil disobedience. The Revolution culminated in the territorial elections of 1954 where the reign of the Hawaii Republican Party in the legislature came to an abrupt end, as they were voted out of office to be replaced by members of the Democratic Party of Hawaii. The strikes by the Isles' labor workers demanded similar pay and benefits to their Mainland counterparts. The strikes also crippled the power of the sugar plantations and the Big Five Oligopoly over their workers.

Historically Hawaii has had a dominant-party system since the 1887 revolution. The 1887 Bayonet Constitution took most of the power away from the monarchy and allowed the Republican Party to dominate the legislature. Beside a brief change of power to the Home Rule Party following annexation, the Republicans had run the Territory of Hawaii. The industrialist Republicans formed a powerful sugar oligarchy, the Big Five.

uring the controversial Kahahawai murder and trial Progressives - who by this era (early 1930s) were soon to be affiliated more with the New Deal Democratic Party coalition than their roots as a spilt-wing of the Republican Party - displayed their power by reducing the 10-year sentence for manslaughter to one hour. Many felt the trial was failure of justice from political forces. It should be noted that there was no local-party reason for the commuting of sentences, rather the resident Territorial Governor of the time, along with the resident Commandant of US Naval District 14 (which included Pearl Harbor and the Hawaiian Islands) were under pressure from Washington and within their own circles to resolve the matter of the trial and its incendiary racial overtones as quickly as possible. Despite the Massie, Darrow, Fortescue and Roosevelt families' Progressive bent being more in tune with the Democratic Party, public perception - erroneously - was that they were all just Republicans. Adding to the irony of the precipitating events of the supposed "Republican conspiracy" to commute the sentences of white convicts is the fact that their vigorous defense was conducted by Clarence Darrow, a leading member of the ACLU. Irrespective of the fact that the ACLU is left-leaning and in the democratic camp, and that the Progressives by this point were leaning toward the imminent New Deal Democrats, typically democratic-leaning ethnic populations were hung up on yet another perceived slight against them by the Republicans. This would not be the last time that the public were to be duped by democratic-controlled message delivery and be conveniently ignorant of the true positions of the Democrats that they pre-supposed were looking out for their betterment. In any case, real or imagined, this was not the only case of the government’s abuse of power; past misdeeds were mainly centered around economic gain. Among the unhappy residents of Hawaii was John A. Burns, a police officer during the trial. Burns founded a movement by collecting support from the impoverished sugar plantation workers. He also restored strength to the divided and weak Democratic Party of Hawaii.

The Hilo Longshoremen led by Jack Kawano began unified strikes in the 1930s. The Hilo Longshoremen merged with the ILWU, and Jack Wayne Hall was sent to Hawaii. Among these unified strikes was the disastrous 1938 strike in Hilo against the Inter-Island Steamship Company. During World War II striking was put on hold as the members dedicated their efforts towards the war. In 1944 the ILWU and Communist Party of Hawaii put their support behind the Democratic Party, since it became apparent that Burns and his movement wanted to empower the working class. This meeting in 1944 has been considered the beginning of the movement. The movement became known as the "Burns Machine". Burns admitted in 1975 that Communist Party members in the ILWU provided vital experience in maintaining secrecy and organizing support among labor workers while keeping the early movement underground.

After the overthrow of the Hawaiian Monarchy by the legislature the members were not restrained in industrializing the Islands, forming plantations and the Big Five. Economic inequality increased, largely caused by the hyper-concentration of wealth among the planters. On the plantations earlier strikes had failed, as when an ethnic camp went on strike the other ethnic groups' camps acted as strikebreakers; the traditional example was the Japanese and Filipino camps' rivalry. The next generation of workers were children of the immigrant workers, born in Hawaii: Niseis, were a major demographic factor in favor of the movement. Many immigrant workers were denied citizenship but could live and work in the islands under contract. The children of these workers who were born in Hawaii could become citizens and at this time they began to come of age to be registered voters and could express their dissatisfaction in their votes. After the meeting in 1944 Jack Hall began organizing these plantation workers in a strike campaign known as the March Inland for better working conditions and pay.

After the war, Burns was able to gain support from Japanese-American veterans of the 100th and 442nd returning home. He encouraged the veterans to become educated under the G.I. Bill and run for public office. Daniel Inouye is considered the first of the veterans recruited and was a prominent member of the movement. Hall and Kawano's strikes resumed after the war. The ILWU helped to organize the plantation workers spreading unionization from the sea to the land. This allowed the movement to organize general strikes in the sugar industry and pineapple industry, not just strikes at the docks. The Great Hawaii Sugar Strike of 1946 was launched against the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association and the Big Five leaving the cane fields derelict. The 1947 Pineapple Strike followed on Lanai but ended in failure and was tried again in 1951. The 1949 Hawaiian Dock Strike froze shipping in Hawaii for 177 days, ended with the territorial Dock Seizure Act.

Hawaiians were on both sides of the Revolution; they were at the time in a social limbo in having less power and rights than the Whites but more than the Orientals living in Hawaii. Older Hawaiians tended to fear change would further decline the status of Hawaiians, while youths embraced the prospect of gain by ousting the status quo. As the movement developed the more communist components began to show through. The strikes were increasingly politicized and at the 1949 strike the White Republican aristocracy who were owners in the Big Five became concerned over the communist trend by workers. On October 7, after the 1949 dock strike that year, the territorial legislature requested the House Un-American Activities Committee to investigate the strikes that had become frequent in the territory. On August 28, 1951 the FBI rounded up seven members of the movement including Jack W. Hall, Charles Fujimoto chairman of the Communist Party of Hawaii, and Koji Ariyoshi editor of the Honolulu Record who had also published pro-communist work. The Hawaii 7 were charged under the Smith Act for conspiring to overthrow the government; all were released by 1958.

In the 1950 Democratic Convention John A. Burns was elected chairman of the convention decided that the Party was ready for a strong push at the 1950 elections. But with the progress the party was dividing into two factions: the right-wing "Walkout" who opposed Burns and the left-wing "Standpat" members who supported Burns. Among the Standpats was John H. Wilson, the founder of the Democratic Party of Hawaii himself, although he did not always agree with Burns, allied with him. With the fracture of the conservative members the party began to slide farther leftward. Burns wished to re-establish the party ideology as Center-Left. He had Party members sign an affidavit pledging their loyalty to the Democratic Party and not the Communist Party, to deflect communist criticisms and keep the far left in check. During this time communists refrained from discussing their ideology. The rivalry between the two halves of the Democratic Party lead to several defeats in the elections against the Republicans.

Leading up to the 1954 elections the Walkout faction had collapsed into smaller factions proving no threat to the Standpat faction who effectively took over the party. So during the 1954 territorial elections the Democrats took 11 seats in the legislature seating a total of 22 while Republicans had 8. The Democrats began to reform the government installing a progressive tax, land reform, environmental protections, comprehensive health insurance plan, and expanded freedoms of collective bargaining.

President Dwight D. Eisenhower appointed Republican Samuel Wilder King as governor. King acted as an obstructionist by using the veto 71 times during his administration. Burns commented that these times the Democrats were more focused on building the Democratic government rather than running it. Following Statehood, Burns - who, until then, had lost his elections - was elected Governor of Hawaii. The strike campaign by the ILWU continued until 1958 when another large sugar strike called the Aloha Strike took place from February 1 to June 6 and ended the campaign.

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